James Gareth Endicott

James Gareth Endicott (1898–1993) was a Canadian clergyman, Christian missionary and socialist.

Family and early life

Endicott was born in Szechuan Province, China, the third of five children to a Methodist missionary family and became fluent in Chinese. His family returned to Canada in 1910. His father, James Endicott, was elected the second Moderator of the United Church of Canada from 1926 to 1928.

Endicott enlisted in World War I as a Private. After the war he was educated at the University of Toronto's Victoria College where he was president of the student council and a founder of the university's Student Christian Movement.

Endicott earned a Masters degree and was ordained as a minister in the United Church of Canada. In 1925, Endicott returned to China as a missionary remaining there for most of the following two decades.

Missionary in China

Endicott taught English in China and became professor of English and Ethics at West China Union University. He became social advisor to Chiang Kai-shek and political advisor to his New Life Movement and served as an advisor to US military intelligence from 1944 to 1945 as a liaison between the American military and the Chinese Communist forces fighting against the Japanese in World War II.

Initially a supporter of Chiang Kaishek and his wife, he once compared Chiang to Abraham Lincoln and described Madame Chiang as a combination of Helen of Troy, Florence Nightingale and Joan of Arc. He became disillusioned after seeing Chiang's officers starve their troops and by the Kuomintang's corruption.

Endicott was impressed by the Communists and became friends with Zhou Enlai as the Chinese Civil War resumed, and he became a supporter of the Chinese Communist Party. During the war he provided an underground network where pro-revolutionary forces could meet and exchange ideas.

After the war, he spoke at student demonstrations, urging opposition to the Nationalist government and provoking criticism from the church in Canada. This led to his resignation from the ministry and the mission on May 5, 1946 after the United Church of Canada gave him an ultimatum to either modify his public statements or quit. At Zhou En-lai's urging, he moved to Shanghai to publish the underground anti-Kuomintang Shanghai Newsletter. The newsletter was aimed at westerners in the Kuomintang stronghold as well as at trying to convince western governments that Chiang's regime was corrupt and dictatorial.

Return to Canada

In 1947, he returned to Canada. At a time when western countries were backing Chiang and were optimistic about his government, Endicott advised the Canadian government that the Kuomintang regime's fall was imminent and then went public with his predictions and his denunciation of the Kuomintang as corrupt. His comments were denounced as traitorous by the media and he was labelled the most reviled Canadian of the year for his support of the Chinese Revolution and the Communist Party of China and was criticized by the United Church for his support of the revolution.

He continued his support for the Chinese Communist Party by giving lectures and publishing the Canadian Far Eastern Weekly which had 5,000 subscribers at its peak.

Canadian Peace Congress

In 1949, he founded and became chairman of the Canadian Peace Congress and helped publish its Peace Letter bulletin. He also became a senior figure in the World Peace Council serving as president of the from 1957 until 1971.

In 1950, as a Canadian delegate to the World Peace Council in Stockholm, Endicott sat on the committee that drafted the Stockholm Peace Appeal which was the petition that began the international "Ban the Bomb" movement.

Korean War

Endicott returned on a visit to China in 1952, during the Korean War and, on his return to Canada, charged the United States with using chemical and biological weapons during the war. His charges led him to be vilified in the Canadian press as "public enemy number one" and he was censured by the United Church for his support of Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communists.

He was condemned by Canadian politicians, including Lester Pearson who had been a college friend. Pearson called him the "bait on the end of a Red hook" and a "Red stooge" while John George Diefenbaker called his statements "damnable," and Conservative leader George Drew referred to Endicott as a "jackal of the Communists."

The government threatened to charge him with treason and sedition, but did not follow through, while others called for him to lose his passport and mailing privileges.

Later work

Endicott was awarded the Stalin Peace Prize in 1952 for his efforts working for "peaceful coexistence between the Christians and the Communists." He continued his advocacy for the People's Republic of China by publishing the Canadian Far East Newsletter and though he publicly backed the Soviet Union in the initial years of the Sino-Soviet split he was sympathetic to China's arguments and reported them in the newsletter. Endicott was offered the presidency of the World Peace Council in the early 1960s but declined due to his wife's declining health and what he anticipated as a personally untenable position of leading the council during a period of growing tensions between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China and their respective factions on the council.

In 1982, the United Church extended a formal apology to Endicott for having denounced him three decades earlier, acknowledging that it had caused him "much personal hurt and anxiety."

Tiananmen Square and later views on China

In an interview shortly before his death, Endicott said that he thought the Communist Manifesto is "still as true as ever," though he feels the "old men" who are Communist leaders like Deng Xiaoping are not progressive enough.

Though ambivalent about the policies of Deng and initially sympathetic to the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, Endicott believed the Chinese government's version of events. He told an interviewer, "What is more clear to me now is that there was a core of students who were concerned mainly with getting something done about corruption in the party and in the society. I said at the time they should be supported. But a lot of the leaders, who at the time appeared to be idealistic, turned out to be agents for a capitalist restoration. It appears now that the Communist government was relatively correct in saying that very few people were killed in Tiananmen - perhaps two or three hundred, at most. But in another western section of Beijing, a lot of people were killed. There was practically a shoot-out between the capitalist roaders and the socialists - if you can call the army socialists."

Arguing that there was an attempt to overthrow the Chinese government, Endicott stated, "What took place was a minor civil war. The army's action in upholding the constitution probably prevented the capitalist roaders from really making an attempt to take over by military force. What was the government to do? Not react?"

Relationship with Canadian Communists

In 1971, William Kashtan, general secretary of the Communist Party of Canada asked him to resign from the Canadian Peace Congress and as Canada's delegate to the World Council of Peace accusing the Canadian Far East Newsletter of being anti-Soviet and pro-Mao. Endicott agreed to leave the organization rather than stop publication of the newsletter or withdraw his support for China in its conflict with the Soviet Union. He founded the Canada-China Society shortly after leaving the Canadian Peace Congress and publicly broke with the Soviet Union.

Though friendly with Tim Buck, Stanley Ryerson, Leslie Morris and other Canadian Communists, Endicott never joined the Communist Party of Canada though three of his children joined its predecessor, the Labour-Progressive Party. He had joined the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation while living in Toronto on sabbatical from 1941 to 1944, and campaigned for the party in the 1942 federal by-election in which Joseph Noseworthy won an upset victory, but his membership lapsed when he returned to China. When he applied to rejoin the CCF in 1948 his membership application was rejected, though no reason was given it is almost certain it was rejected due to the perception that Endicott's association with Communism.



External links

Retrieved from : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Gareth_Endicott

J Tag


Modding is a slang expression that is derived from the verb "modify". Modding refers to the act of modifying a piece of hardware or software or anything else for that matter, to perform a function not originally conceived or intended by the designer. The term modding is often used within the computer game community, particularly in regard to creating new or altered content and sharing that via the web. It may also be applied to the overclocking of computers in order to increase the frequency at the which the CPU operates. Case modding is also a popular activity amongst many computer enthusiasts which involves the customization of a computer chassis or the installation of water cooling technology. In connection with automobiles, modding often refers to engine tuning, remapping of a vehicle's engine control unit or customization of the bodywork.

Computers and digital equipment

Legal issues

Modding may sometimes infringe the legal rights of the copyright owner. Some nations have laws prohibiting modding and accuse modders of attempting to overcome copy protection schemes. In the United States, the DMCA has set up stiff penalties for mods that violate the rights of intellectual property owners. In the European Union, member states have agreed the EU Copyright Directive and are transposing it into national law. A man was convicted in the United Kingdom in July 2005 for selling a modded Xbox with built in software and games. However it is also worthy of note that some other European countries have not interpreted the legal issues in the same way. In Italy a judge threw out a Sony case saying it was up to owners of a console what they did with it. Similarly in Spain, mod chips are seen as legal despite the EU copyright legislation. Modding may be an unauthorized changed made to a software or hardware to a platform in gaming. Case mods are modifications to a device with the altering of certain styles. For example, people who mod a Microsoft Xbox 360 can alter the led lights on the controller to glow different colors.

Multi-user licensing

Computer systems, hardware, and software are often sold or licensed to one home machine, to a business that has many computers, a government agency, or a non-profit organization. When the software license says that it is for a specific person, then it is not legal for that software to be used by some other person on that same computer, even a member of the same family, or another employee of the same company. But this strict licensing is only one approach. In this form of licensing, for more than one person to be using that software or hardware, they need to have a multi-user license that usually dictates how many different people may use it.

Derivative software

Some software is licensed with a copy of the program source code supplied along with the executable code in which the license specifically authorizes changes to the supplied software. This is a common standard in business software packages. Hundreds of thousands of computer programmers in some nations have jobs because businesses want the purchased software tailored to the specific needs of the individual businesses. Most every major city has want ads in the newspaper where there are job openings for people to modify some company's computer systems, where the ad specifies what programming languages or operating systems the applicant needs to know.

Video game consoles

A common example of one kind of modding is video game console mod chips, which can allow users to play homemade games, games legitimately purchased in other regions, or legal backup copies, but can also allow illegal unauthorized copies by allowing the player to play personally recorded CD or DVD copies of video games. Modchips, in their current form, were first available for the Sony PlayStation (and later the PlayStation 2). Various other types of copyright circumvention systems also existed for the Nintendo 64 and the older Game Boy consoles (though neither include actual modding, but instead backup devices).

Types of modding

There are two different ways of running unsigned code on a game console. One is through soft modding (modifying software, normally using a softmod) to allow the user to change data contained on its hard drive in the case of the Xbox. Another type of modding, known as , exploits the BIOS of the console to run unsigned code, or games. This form of 'modding' (more correctly termed as hacking) is very popular as it is able to 'run' many different types of software. But soft modding is even more popular because of its ease of installation and its relatively low price (it can even be done for free with the right tools).

Another type of console modding is about appearances, much like computer case modification. Which includes, adding lights (most likely LEDS, cathodes or other electro-luminescent lighting). Cutting the game system case, to fit hardware and/or expose the internal systems. Cooling is a large part of console hard 'modding', including: heat sink upgrades, more powerful or quieter fans, some even go so far as to abandon common heat exchange to air all together by liquid a console (most notably in the Xbox 360, which initially had some heat problems).

Game software

On the other side, some companies actively encourage modding of their products. In cases such as TiVo and Google, there has been an informal agreement between the modders and the company in which the modders agree not to do anything that destroys the company's business model and the company agrees to support the modding community by providing technical specifications and information. Some commercial video games thrive through a modding community. In the case of Half-Life, a mod called Counter-Strike drove sales of the original software for years.

Many games, such as The Elder Scrolls series, come with a mod editing tool that allows users to create original content for themselves and others. Other games provide the source code for users to use in experimenting and creating. Still others, like 18 Wheels of Steel, will provide the non-programmed data (images, small codepieces and the like) in a simple archive, which can often be opened by renaming it to a .zip file. Often modders will take the game in directions that the developers never anticipated or didn't have time/funding to include. Generally, a small percent of game players will spend much time mod making, but those who do usually develop communities around modding a particular game. Communities are generally connected via a web forum where new modders can ask questions of more experienced ones, and everyone can find inspiration in the work of others. Some games, like Neverwinter Nights, could never have been as successful as they are without a thriving user community. And as more people have been more connected via the web, this has become a vital and dynamic creative phenomena where users become content creators not just content consumers.

Skilled computer users who are able to crack data formats and reverse engineer a game can modify them to their heart's content, because the creator of the software has copyright authority over who may use it, or change it. Software is sold with a license that spells out what guarantees, if any, come with the software, and what rights the purchaser has to change the software. Many people do not read these contracts, or store them in such a way to be able to prove what contract came with what purchase, so some computer users are ignorant to what their rights are with respect to backing up software, modifying software, and sharing it with other potential users.

On August 5, 2009 Matthew Crippen, a student at California State University, was arrested for modifying game consoles such as Xbox, Playstation, and Nintendo Wii for profit. According to him it was so that the owners could play their backup discs of games they legally own. However, according to the DMCA, it is illegal to circumvent copyright protection software, even for non-pirating uses such as backing up legally owned games.

Device drivers

Modded drivers are made for improved performance which official versions of drivers do not offer or in cases where there are no official versions of drivers for new hardware designed for older operating systems such as Windows 98.

Computer hardware

Case modding may range from simple case painting to full blown case mod with cooling mods and fabricated pieces.

Overclocking may also be termed as 'modding', and the overclocking of a graphics card using driver software to gain the performance of a more expensive model is known as 'soft-modding'. Volt modding is a term in which jumpers and rheostats are used to mod a hardware's voltages to yield better overclocks.

Cars and vehicles


Ortho-modding is the car adaptation (seats, pedals, etc.) to help drivers to prevent, correct and diminish light orthopedic and backbone/spine problems.


Eco-modding is the reduction of drag (see Low-energy vehicle), petroleum car adaptation to use renewable energy (generally, changing or adding a new engine or motor), generally hydrogen or electricity. See hybrid car. Occasionally, it has been known to run a Diesel engine on plant and animal oils. See Biodiesel.

Performance tuning

Car and engine tuning are modification of a car for enhanced performance, in engine power output, handling, aerodynamics, or cosmetic purposes. See also Category:Vehicle modification.

Industrial machines

Factories get rather expensive machines that are used to mass produce specialized parts. These machines can be altered to make parts other than how the manufacturers of the machines designed or intended them. The legality of doing this depends on who owns the machines, and whether the agreement, that supplied the machines to the factories, said anything about this, and what the laws are in the nation where this is being done.

For example, the machines might be leased from the manufacturer of the machines. If they are ever to be returned, they need to go back in the same kind of condition and engineering shape as when they were first delivered. There is an annual physical inventory to make sure the factory has everything that they are leasing. This audit might be done by representatives of the leasing company, who are looking to see recognizable machines, that match their models and safety rules.


Pen-modding is the act of combining many pen parts either to help with pen spinning, in which a perfect balance is desired to create an ideal spinning pen, or simply for decoration. These pen mods can either be made by combining parts from different pens and/or mechanical pencils, or by buying modded pens online. In some cases, pen mods can exceed over $30–40 USD per pen. Recently, the practice of pen modding has grown dramatically in popularity, with several mod brands appearing, and multiple online communities dedicated to pen modding and spinning.

See also


Retrieved from : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modding

Bayonnaise Rocks

Bayonnaise Rocks

Bayonnaise Rocks
Native name: ベヨネース列岩
Location Izu Islands
Coordinates 31°53′14″N 139°55′04″E / 31.88722°N 139.91778°E
Archipelago Izu Islands
Area 0.01 km (0.004 sq mi)
Highest elevation 11 m (36 ft)
Population 0

Bayonnaise Rocks (ベヨネース列岩 Beyonēsu-retsugan ) is a group of volcanic rocks located in the Philippine Sea approximately 408 kilometres (254 mi) south of Tokyo and 65 kilometres (40 mi) south-southeast of Aogashima, in the southern portion of the Izu archipelago, Japan. The rocks were discovered by the French corvette Bayonnaise in 1846.


The rocks are the exposed portion of the northeast ridge of a submarine volcanic caldera, approximately 9 kilometres (5.6 mi) in diameter at a depth of approximately 1,000 metres (3,300 ft). The above sea-level portion has a surface area of approximately 0.01 square kilometers, with a summit height of 11 metres (36 ft). The caldera is known to have erupted in 1896, 1906, 1915, 1934 1946 and 1952/1953, 1954, 1955, 1957, 1958, 1959, and 1960. The last known submarine eruption of the caldera was in 1970, which discolored the local water.

On the northeast rim of the same caldera 12.8 kilometres (8.0 mi) to the east of the Bayonnaise Rocks is a submerged reef named Myōjin-shō ( 明神礁), which is a post-caldera cone with a depth of approximately 50 metres (160 ft). During a submarine volcanic eruption of 17 September 1952, an ephemeral island was formed, with a height of 10 metres (33 ft), which was created and destroyed several times by volcanic activity until completely disappearing on 3 September 1953.

The vegetation is sparse Bayonnaise Rocks. The islands are a resting place for migratory birds. Located in the Kuroshio Current, the area has abundant sea life, and is popular with sports fishermen.

See also

External links

Retrieved from : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bayonnaise_Rocks


Electoral district of Gaven

QueenslandLegislative Assembly
QLD - Gaven 2008.png
Gaven (2008—)
State or territory: Queensland
Dates current: 2001–present
MP: Alex Douglas
Party: Liberal National
Namesake: Gaven Way (a section
of the Pacific Motorway)

The district of Gaven is an electoral district of the Legislative Assembly in the Australian state of Queensland. It was created out of the former district of and the southern segment of Albert in the 2001 redistribution, and is based around the northern growth corridor of the Gold Coast. The current Member of Parliament is Alex Douglas.


Gaven was created as a notionally conservative seat, part of the old South Coast seat held for 14 years by Russ Hinze (commonly known as Sir Joh's "Minister for Everything"), and was contested for the conservative National Party of Australia by the incumbent member for Albert, Bill Baumann, at the 2001 election. However, amidst a statewide landslide victory for the Australian Labor Party, the seat fell to union organiser Robert Poole with a 14.6% swing. The National Party agreed to let their coalition partner, the more urban Liberal Party of Australia contest the seat at the 2004 election, and though they nominated former Gold Coast mayor Ray Stevens, Poole was returned with only a slight swing against him.

Poole became the subject of increasing controversy during his second term, as he spent most of his term out of the state, living with his family in Thailand. This reached its peak in 2006, when Poole revealed that he intended to spend the first half the year in Thailand while he recovered from surgery. A furious Premier Peter Beattie demanded that Poole return or face having his seat formally declared vacant, and Poole reluctantly stepped down in late February.

Facing a highly winnable by-election, the Coalition made the decision to allow the National Party to contest the seat, which bemused some observers, who noted that the party had only polled 2% for the Senate in Gaven's federal booths at the 2004 federal election.

The 2006 state election saw Alex Douglas and Phil Gray once again running against each other, with the Queensland Greens being represented by Glen Ryman. Phil Gray won the seat by an 8% swing, with an absolute majority of primary votes.

The 2009 state election saw Douglas and Gray pitted against each other for the third consecutive time. On this occasion, Douglas, running under the banner of the newly formed Liberal National Party, narrowly emerged as the victor.

Members for Gaven

See also


External links

Retrieved from : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_district_of_Gaven

Ivory Coast Civil War

First Ivorian Civil War

Ivorian Civil War
27BCA Cote dIvoire 2004 110322471058610464.jpg
Armed insurgents in a technical.
Date 19 September 2002 – 4 March 2007
Location Côte d'Ivoire
Result Tentative peace agreement then renewed conflict
Côte d'Ivoire Côte d'Ivoire
Liberia Liberian mercenaries
Young Patriots of Abidjan militia
New Forces (FN) Rebels /Insurgency France
French Army
United Nations UN Peacekeepers
Commanders and leaders
Côte d'Ivoire Laurent Gbagbo
YPA militia: Charles Blé Goudé
(FN):Guillaume Soro France Jacques Chirac
Casualties and losses
200+ government soldiers
100+ militias
1,200+ civilians
300+ rebels 13 French soldiers
1 UN peacekeeper
French military /
UN peacekeepers
FANCI (Government troops) /
New Forces (FN) rebels /
Young Patriots of Abidjan militia
Dead 13 French Army soldiers,
2 aid workers,
1 UN observer,
1 UN peacekeeper
200+ FANCI Government troops,
400+ rebels/militia,
1,200+ civilians
Wounded 55 1,500+
External images
Civil war in Côte d'Ivoire
Map of the factions in the civil war
Map of Ivorian regions, department, and towns.
Côte d'Ivoire

This article is part of the series:
Politics and government of
Côte d'Ivoire

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The Ivorian Civil War was a civil war in Côte d'Ivoire that began on 19 September 2002. Although most of the fighting ended by late 2004, the country remains split in two, with a rebel-held north and a government-held south. Hostility increased and raids on foreign troops and civilians rose. As of 2006, the region was tense, and many said that the UN and the French military had failed to calm the civil war. However, notably, the Côte d'Ivoire national football team was credited with helping to secure a temporary truce when it qualified for the 2006 World Cup and brought warring parties together. The United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire began after the civil war calmed down, but the peacekeepers have faced a complicated situation and are outnumbered by civilians and rebels. A peace agreement to end the conflict was signed on 4 March 2007. The Ivorian elections took place in October 2010 after being delayed 6 times. Fighting resumed on the 24 February 2011 over the impasse on the election results, with the New Force rebels capturing Zouan-Hounien, and clashes in Abobo, Yamoussoukro and around Anyama

Context of the conflict

The civil war revolves around a number of issues, particularly:

Rising tensions

Violence was turned initially against African foreigners. The prosperity of Côte d'Ivoire had attracted many Africans from West Africa, and by 1998 they constituted 26% of the population, 56% of whom were Burkinabés.

In this atmosphere of increasing racial tension, Houphouët-Boigny's policy of granting nationality to Burkinabés resident in Côte d'Ivoire was criticized as being solely to gain their political support.

In 1995, the tensions turned violent when Burkinabés were killed in plantations at Tabou, during ethnic riots.

Ethnic violence had already existed between owners of lands and their hosts particularly in the west side of the country, between Bete and Baoule, Bete and Lobi. Since independence, people from the center of the country, Baoules, have been encouraged to move to fertile lands of the west and south-west of the country where they have been granted superficialities to grow cocoa, coffee and comestibles. Years later, some Bete have come to resent these successful farmers. Voting became difficult for these immigrants as they were refused voting rights.

Catalyst to the conflict

The catalyst for the conflict was the law quickly drafted by the government and approved in a referendum immediately before the elections of 2000 which required both parents of a presidential candidate to be born within Côte d'Ivoire. This excluded the northern presidential candidate Alassane Ouattara from the race. Ouattara represented the predominantly Muslim north, particularly the poor immigrant workers from Mali and Burkina Faso working on coffee and cocoa plantations.

Beginning of the civil war

Troops, many of whom originated from the north of the country, mutinied in the early hours of 19 September 2002. They launched attacks in many cities, including Abidjan. By midday they had control of the north of the country. Their principal claim relates to the definition of who is a citizen of Ivory Coast (and so who can stand for election as President), voting rights and their representation in government in Abidjan. On the first night of the uprising, former president Robert Guéi was killed. There is some dispute as to what actually happened that night. The government said he had died leading a coup attempt, and state television showed pictures of his body in the street. However, it was widely claimed that his body had been moved after his death and that he had actually been murdered at his home along with fifteen other people. Alassane Ouattara took refuge in the French embassy, and his home was burned down.

Attacks were launched almost simultaneously in most major cities; the government forces maintained control of Abidjan and the south, but the new rebel forces had taken the north and based themselves in Bouake.

Laurent Gbagbo considered deserters from the army, supported by interference from Burkina Faso, as the cause of destabilization.

France wished reconciliation, when the Côte d'Ivoire government wanted military repression. Eventually France sent 2500 soldiers to man a peace line and requested help from the UN.

Forces involved in the conflict include:

The rebels were immediately well armed, not least because to begin with most were serving soldiers; it has been claimed that they were also given support by Burkina Faso. Additionally, government supporters claimed that the rebels were supported by France; however, the rebels also denounced France as supporting the government, and the French forces quickly moved between the two sides to stop the rebels from mounting new attacks on the south. It was later claimed that the rebellion was planned in Burkina Faso by soldiers of the Ivory Coast close to General Guéï. Guillaume Soro, leader of the Patriotic Movement of Côte d'Ivoire (MPCI) later to be known as the Forces Nouvelles de Côte d'Ivoire/New Forces – the rebel movement– comes from a student union close to the FPI of Gbagbo, but was also a substitute for an RDR candidate in the legislative elections of 2000. was also one of the leaders of the FPI.

Once they had regrouped in Bouake, the rebels quickly threatened to move southwards to attack Abidjan again. France deployed the troops it had based in Ivory Coast, on 22 September, and blocked the rebels' path. The French said they had acted to protect their nationals and other foreigners, and they went into the northern cities to bring out expatriates from many nations. The USA gave (limited) support.

On 17 October, a cease-fire was signed, and negotiations started.

On 28 November, the popular Movement of the Ivory Coast of the Great West (MPIGO) and the Movement for Justice and Peace (MJP), two new rebel movements, took the control of the towns of Man and Danané, both located in the west of the country. France conducted negotiations. French troops dispatched to evacuate foreigners battled rebels near Man on 30 November. The clashes left at least ten rebels dead and one French soldier injured.

The cease-fire nearly collapsed on 6 January when two groups of rebels attacked French positions near the town of Duékoué, injuring nine soldiers, one of them seriously. According to a French spokesman, French forces repelled the assault and counterattacked, killing 30 rebels.

The Kléber (Marcoussis) agreements

From 15 to 26 January 2003, the various parties met at Linas-Marcoussis in France to attempt to negotiate a return to peace. The parties signed a compromise deal on 26 January. President Gbagbo was to retain power and opponents were invited into a government of reconciliation and obtained the Ministries for Defense and the Interior. Soldiers of the CEDEAO and 4000 French soldiers were placed between the two sides, forming a peace line. The parties agreed to work together on modifying national identity, eligibility for citizenship, and land tenure laws which many observers see as among the root causes of the conflict.

As of 4 February, anti-French demonstrations took place in Abidjan, in support for Laurent Gbagbo. The end of the civil war was proclaimed on 4 July. An attempt at a putsch, organized from France by Ibrahim Coulibaly (FPI), was thwarted on 25 August by the French secret service.

The UN authorized the formation of the UNOCI on 27 February 2004, in addition to the French forces and those of the CEDEAO.

On 4 March, the PDCI suspended its participation in the government, being in dissension with the FPI (President Gbagbo's party) on nominations to office within the administration and in public companies.

On 25 March, a peace march was organized to protest against the blocking of the Marcoussis agreements. Demonstrations had been prohibited by decree since 18 March, and the march was repressed by the armed forces: 37 died according to the government, between 300 and 500 according to Henri Konan Bédié's PDCI. This repression caused the withdrawal from the government of several opposition parties. A UN report of 3 May estimated at least 120 dead, and implicated highly-placed government officials.

The government of national reconciliation, initially composed of 44 members, was reduced to 15 after the dismissal of three ministers, amongst them Guillaume Soro, political head of the rebels, on 6 May. That involved the suspension of the participation in the national government of the majority of political movements.

The French consequently were in an increasingly uncomfortable situation. The two sides each accused France of siding with the other: the loyalists because of its protection of the rebels, and the non-implementation the agreements of defense made with the Côte d'Ivoire; the rebels because it was preventing the capture of Abidjan. On 25 June, a French soldier was killed in his vehicle by a government soldier close to Yamoussoukro.

On 4 July 2003, the government and New Forces militaries signed an "End of the War" declaration, recognized President Gbagbo's authority, and vowed to work for the implementation of the LMA and a program of Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration (DDR).

In 2004, various challenges to the occurred. Violent flare-ups and political deadlock in the spring and summer led to the Accra III talks in Ghana. Signed on 30 July 2004 the reaffirmed the goals of the LMA with specific deadlines and benchmarks for progress. Unfortunately, those deadlines – late September for legislative reform and 15 October for rebel disarmament – were not met by the parties. The ensuing political and military deadlock was not broken until 4 November 2004.

The resumption of fighting

The timetable outlined in the final version of the Linas-Marcoussis Accord was not respected. The bills envisaged in the process were blocked by the FPI, the Ivorian National Assembly. The conditions of eligibility for the presidential poll were not re-examined, because Laurent Gbagbo claimed the right to choose a prime minister, not in accordance with agreements suggested in Accra. Faced with political impasse, the disarmament whose beginning had been envisaged fifteen days after the constitutional modifications did not begin in mid-October.

A sustained assault on the press followed, with newspapers partial to the north being banned and two presses destroyed. Dissenting radio stations were silenced.

UN soldiers opened fire on hostile demonstrators taking issue with the disarmament of the rebels on 11 October. The rebels, who took the name of New Forces (FN), announced on 13 October their refusal to disarm, citing large weapons purchases by the Côte d'Ivoire national army (FANCI). They intercepted two trucks of the FANCI full of heavy weapons travelling towards the demarcation line. On 28 October, they declared an emergency in the north of the country.

Ivorian-French violence

On 4 November, Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo ordered airstrikes against rebels, and Ivorian aircraft began a bombardment of Bouaké. On 6 November, at least one Ivorian Sukhoi Su-25 bombed a French base in Bouaké, supposedly by accident, killing nine French soldiers and an American aid worker and injuring 31 others. French forces conducted an overland attack on Yamassoukro Airport, destroying two Su-25s and three attack helicopters, and two airborne military helicopters were shot down over Abidjan. One hour after the attack on the camp, the French Army established control of Abidjan Airport. France flew in reinforcements and put three jets in Gabon on standby. Simultaneously, the Young Patriots of Abidjan (see politics of Côte d'Ivoire for more details), rallied by the State media, plundered possessions of French nationals. Several hundred Westerners, mainly French, took refuge on the roofs of their buildings to escape the mob, and were then evacuated by French Army helicopters. France sent in reinforcements of 600 men based in Gabon and France while foreign civilians were evacuated from Abidjan airport on French and Spanish military airplanes. A disputed number of rioters were killed after French troops opened fire.

Ending of the conflict: 2005-2007

As of 8 November 2004, expatriate Westerners (French mainly, but also Moroccan, German, Spanish, British, Dutch, Swiss, Canadian, and Americans) in Côte d'Ivoire chose to leave. On 13 November, President of the Ivorian National Assembly Mamadou Coulibaly (FPI) declared that the government of the Ivory Coast did not take any responsibility in the bombardment of 6 November, and announced its intention of approaching the International Court of Justice:

In an interview with The Washington Post, Laurent Gbagbo called into question even the French deaths. Lastly, on the morning of 13 November 2600 expatriate French had returned to France, and 1600 other European expatriates had left.

The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1572 (2004) on 15 November, enforcing an arms embargo on the parties.

A meeting of the Ivorian political leaders, moderated by South African President Thabo Mbeki was held in Pretoria from 3 April to 6 April 2005. The resulting Pretoria Agreement declared the immediate and final cessation of all hostilities and the end of the war throughout the national territory. Rebel forces started to withdraw heavy weapons from the front line on 21 April.

Presidential elections were due to be held on 30 October 2005, but in September the UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, announced that the planned elections could not be held in time. On 11 October 2005, an alliance of Côte d'Ivoire's main opposition parties called on the UN to reject African Union proposals to keep President Laurent Gbagbo in office for up to an additional 12 months beyond the end of his mandate; however, the Security Council approved this a few days later. The Côte d'Ivoire national football team helped secure a truce in 2006 when it qualified for the World Cup and convinced Gbagbo to restart peace talks. It also helped further reduce tensions between government and rebel forces in 2007 by playing a match in the rebel capital of Bouaké, an occasion that brought both armies together peacefully for the first time. In late 2006, the elections were again delayed, this time until October 2007.

On 4 March 2007, a peace agreement was signed between the government and the New Forces in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. New Forces leader Guillaume Soro was subsequently appointed prime minister and took office in early April. On 16 April, in the presence of Gbagbo and Soro, the UN buffer zone between the two sides began to be dismantled, and government and New Forces soldiers paraded together for the first time. Gbagbo declared that the war was over.

On 19 May, the disarmament of pro-government militia began as the Resistance Forces of the Great West gave up over a thousand weapons in a ceremony in Guiglo, at which Gbagbo was present.

Central government administration began returning to the New Forces-held areas in June, with the first new prefect in the north being installed on 18 June in Bouaké.

On 29 June, rockets were fired at Soro's plane at the airport in Bouaké, significantly damaging the plane. Soro was unhurt, although four others were said to have been killed and ten were said to have been wounded.

Gbagbo visited the north for the first time since the outbreak of the war for a disarmament ceremony, the "peace flame", on 30 July; Soro was also present. This ceremony involved burning weapons to symbolize the end of the conflict. It was previously planned for 30 June and then for 5 July, but was delayed. At the ceremony, Gbagbo declared the war over and said that the country should move quickly to elections, which were planned for 2008.

On 27 November 2007, Gbagbo and Soro signed another agreement in Ouagadougou, this one to hold the planned election before the end of June 2008. On 28 November, Gbagbo flew to Korhogo, then to Soro's native Ferkessedougou, at the start of a three-day visit to the far north, the first time he had been to that part of the country since the outbreak of the war, marking another step toward reconciliation. On 22 December, a disarmament process planned to take place over the course of three months began with government soldiers and former rebels withdrawing from their positions near what had been the buffer zone; the forces of the two sides respectively went to barracks in Yamoussoukro and Bouaké. Gbagbo and Soro were present at Tiébissou to mark the event; Gbagbo said that, as a result, the front lines of the conflict no longer existed, and Soro said that it "effectively, concretely marks the beginning of disarmament".

UN Peacekeeping Forces

As of 18 May 2005 the UN forces, as result of the continued flaring up of ethnic as well as rebel-government conflict, have experienced difficulty maintaining peace in the supposedly neutral "confidence zone", particularly in the west of the country. UN troops have been deployed laterally, forming a belt across the middle of Côte d'Ivoire (stretching across the whole country and roughly dividing it in two from north to south). This area has a mixture of ethnic groups, notably the Dioula (who are predominantly Muslim and typically aligned with the New Forces), who typically sway to both government and rebel loyalties. This conflict of interests has created widespread looting, pillaging and various other human rights abuses amongst groups based on the typical political alignment of their ethnicities. A total of 25 UN personnel have died during UNOCI.

In 2005, over 1,000 protesters invaded a UN base in Guiglo and took control but were forced back by armed UN peacekeepers. A total of 100 protesters died and left 1 UN peacekeeper dead and another wounded.

This is not to say that there are no regions where ethnic groups co-exist peacefully, however, the UN troops lack the man-power to prevent inter-ethnic violence. [4]

On 21 July 2007 the UNOCI suspended a Moroccan peacekeeping unit in Ivory Coast following an investigation into allegations of widespread sexual abuse committed by UN peacekeepers in the nation. [5]

Violent resurgence after the presidential elections

The presidential elections that should have been organized in 2005 were postponed until October 2010. The preliminary results announced by the Electoral Commission showed a loss for Gbagbo in favour of his rival, former prime minister Alassane Ouattara. The ruling FPI contested the results before the Constitutional Council, charging massive fraud in the northern departments controlled by the rebels of the Forces Nouvelles de Côte d'Ivoire (FNCI). These charges were contradicted by international observers. The report of the results led to severe tension and violent incidents. The Constitutional Council, which consists of Gbagbo supporters, declared the results of seven northern departments unlawful and that Gbagbo had won the elections with 51% of the vote (instead of Ouattara winning with 54%, as reported by the Electoral Commission). After the inauguration of Gbagbo, Ouattara, recognized as the winner by most countries and the United Nations, organized an alternative inauguration. These events raised fears of a resurgence of the civil war. The African Union sent Thabo Mbeki, former President of South Africa, to mediate the conflict. The UN Security Council adopted a common resolution recognising Alassane Ouattara as winner of the elections, based on the position of ECOWAS (Economic Community of West Africa States). ECOWAS suspended Côte d'Ivoire from all its decision-making bodies while the African Union also suspended the country's membership. On 16 December an appeal from Ouattara to his supporters to march to Abidjan, the economic capital of the country, and seize some government buildings, led to severe clashes leaving many casualties. In Tiébissou, there were reports of fighting between rebel forces and the Ivorian army.

Clashes between Laurent Gbagbo's and the New Force rebels occurred in the western town of Teapleu on the 24 February 2011. Clashes were reported in Abidjan, Yamoussoukro and around Anyama by the 25 February with the town of Zouan-Hounien being captured from government forces in a morning attack on the 25 February. By the end of March, Northern forces had taken Bondoukou and Abengourou in the east, Daloa, Duekoue, and Gagnoa in the west, the main western port of San Pédro, and the capital Yamoussoukro, for control of three quarters of the country. Southern forces supposedly loyal to Gbagbo have so far not been willing to fight, and Northern forces have won every battle they have fought.

UN Security Council Resolution 1975

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1975 imposed international sanctions on the territory run by Laurent Gbagbo's regime.


See also

Retrieved from : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Ivorian_Civil_War

Come a Little Bit Closer

Come A Little Bit Closer

"Come A Little Bit Closer"
Single by Jay and the Americans
Released 1963
Genre Rock & roll
Length 2:47
Writer(s) Tommy Boyce, Bobby Hart, Wes Ferrell

"Come A Little Bit Closer" is a popular song by the 1960s rock & roll band Jay and the Americans that reached number three on the Billboard Hot 100 in 1964, making it the band's highest ranking single ever (it remains their most popular song, according to the Last.fm song rankings). It also peaked at number four on the Cashbox chart and at number one on RPM's singles chart. Because of the song's popularity, the band was able to join the Beatles on their first American tour, along with the Righteous Brothers.

It was written by songwriters Tommy Boyce and Bobby Hart, as well as Wes Ferrell, and became Boyce and Hart's first top-10 hit.

Popular culture

The song was featured on the 2006 Gilmore Girls episode "The Great Stink" and was covered by The Iguanas for the 1996 film, , starring Lara Flynn Boyle and Danny Nucci.

Cover versions

The song has been covered by Willie Bobo, Billy Craddock, Billy Walker, Brian Collins, Johnny Duncan and Janie Fricke, Don Williams, Trini Lopez and more.


Retrieved from : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Come_A_Little_Bit_Closer